Posts Tagged ‘Mizrahi Struggle’

Women in Action 3.12.2012

Sunday, November 18th, 2012

Coalition of Women for Peace invites you to a conference marking

The International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women

Monday, December 3rd, 16:00 – 21:00, Na laga’at Center, Jaffa

Follow event updates on Facebook

With Hebrew-Arabic-English translation

In the program:

16:00 – 16:30 Registration

16:00 – 16:35 Opening – Aliyah Strauss, Coalition of Women for Peace

16:35 – 17:30 Home, Violence: From House Demolitions to Domestic Violence

Farida Shaaban, active in the struggle to end house demolitions in the unrecognized village Dahamash

Atidal Abu Aeesh, Maan – Forum of Negev Arab-Bedouin Women’s Organizations

Nabila Espanioly, Director of Al’Tufula Center in Nazareth, 5th candidate on the list of Hadash to the Knesset

Ragda Elnabilsy, doctoral candidate in the School of Social Work, Hebrew University of Jerusalem

Moderator: Yael Ben Yefet, Director of the Mizrahi Democratic Rainbow, active in Hithabrut-Tarabut movement

17:45-19:15 Policies of Political Persecution and Violence Against Women Human Rights Defenders

Orna Kohn, Adv. , Adalah – the Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel

Zabib Sultan, founder of the Community Center for Eritrean Women in the south of Tel Aviv

Zahava Greenfeld, active in the struggle for public housing and the Palestinian popular struggle

MK Haneen Zuaby – Balad Party

Moderator: Vered Lee, journalist

19:15 – 19:45 Dinner

9:45 – 21:00 Video Workshop and Discussion Tables

Video workshop (Claudia Levin); Women in the Negev (Muna Alhablin); Experiences of Activists (Esther Rapoport); Women and the Struggle in Jaffa (Sahar Saada); Women and Arms (Rela Mazali – project “Guns on the Kitchen Table”); Economic Violence (Asma Aghbariya Zahalka – Daam Party); Violence and Gender Difference; Women and the South of Tel Aviv (Shula Keshet); English-language discussion table on women’s rights in Israel – between international image and reality; Open-space

The Heinous Israeli Carnage: Another Act in the Mizrachi-Palestinian Tragedy / Reuven Abarjel & Smadar Lavie

Saturday, July 22nd, 2006

Abarjel, Co-founder of the Black Panthers, and Lavie, a Mizrachi Feminist activist, discuss the reasons for Mizrachi (Arab Jewish) compliance with the present atrocities inflicted on Lebanon and and Palestine by the Ashkenazi-Zionist regime.

Operations “Summer Rains” and “Adequate Pay”: Another Act in the Mizrachi-Palestinian Tragedy

On January 25, 2006, Hammas won a landslide victory in the democratic Palestinian legislative elections. The elections were conducted under tight U.S. supervision. Immediately thereafter, Israel’s general attorney, Menny Mazouz, started exploring the legal procedures to jail the movement’s leadership. Soon the IDF started executing the Gazan leadership of the movement by air strikes. Several dozen innocent Palestinian civilians were casualties in the process. On June 24 the IDF land forces entered the Gaza strip and kidnapped two Hammas men. As a response, on June 25 Hammas captured Gilad Shalit, an IDF soldier. The IDF immediately launched “Operation Summer Rains,” to inflict large-scale destruction and to press for Shalit’s release. On 12 July, Hizbollah captured two more Israeli soldiers–Eldad Regev and Ehud Goldwasser–in the Lebanese border zone. From then on, IDF’s “Operation Adequate Pay” has been inflicting heinous carnage and destruction all over Lebanon.

And now here we are, in front of the Israeli TV screen, bombarded by the discourse of experts. The channels are broadcasting live from studios and battlefields. Commercial interludes are part of the show. By default the majority of experts are Ashkenazi (European Jewish) males. They are flanked by a handful of Mizrachi men (Oriental Jews who immigrated to Israel mainly from the Arab World). These men climbed the public service ladder within the nationalist hegemonic confines. Together, they are Israel’s knowledge mercenaries. Through the tube – Israel’s tribal campfire — they dictate the national agenda. The viewers are convinced it must be humanistic, because it is calmly narrated by handsome necktied men. They use professional lingo and have the standardized, de-Semitized Hebrew accent. These talking heads say this war is not only for our own good, but is also for the civic betterment of Palestinians and Lebanese. Their sober discourse facilitates public compliance with IDF’s shift of tactics–from warplane “surgical killings” to a combination of marine, air and land forces, to destroy the Hizbollah using the massive weaponry that the U.S. allocates to the IDF.

The three Israeli TV channels bombard us with metaphors like “crushing Hizbollah,” “the return of Israeli deterrence,” and “the rehabilitation of the Israeli soldier’s fighter image.” Such imagery enables us to peer into the blood, smoke and devastation the IDF sows. Veiled by the fuss over Lebanon, Israel concurrently continues to plan and execute the socio-cide of both public and intimate spheres of the West Bank and Gaza. The present results: reaping the temporary unity of the Jewish victim-turned-warrior nation-state.

When the cannons roar, the Mizrachi communities fall silent. Like servants before the master, the Mizrachim habitually comply. They are the generations flowing from the Jews who were in Palestine from time immemorial, as well as descendants of those brought here from the Arab World and other non-European countries during the previous century. They are the local hosts for those fleeing the New European anti-Semitism. Mizrachim provide the demographic majority on whose civic docility the Eurocentric Israeli regime rests. Mizrachim have been the Jewish labor turning the cogs of the European-Zionist colonial project ever since its inception, with the Yemeni-Jewish labor migration of 1882. Mizrachim freed Zionism from its total dependency on indigenous Palestinian labor. Mizrachim were the Zionists’ “natural laborers,” employed in near-slavery conditions. In order for Mizrachim to work with efficacy, the Zionist hegemonic patriarchy ruptured Mizrachi extended families. For themselves, they used the appellation “ideological laborers,” and went on to found Israel’s socialist-liberal Left. It is this very Left that is now fighting yet another self-righteous Israeli war. The Zionist movement’s leadership has always conducted itself, in front of the Mizrachim, the Palestinians, and the citizens of the Arab World, through the tools of occupation, oppression and humiliation. Yet Mizrachi communities keep silent. Along the way, the US-European minority has co-opted the Mizrachi moral, economic and cultural power to resist.

Israel has always compartmentalized its occupation into different categories, as if Gaza, the West Bank, the Palestinian citizens of Israel, and the Palestinian Diaspora were not all consequences of the 1948 Nakba and 1967 Naqsa. Yet even such a divisive strategy has failed to diminish the legitimacy of the Palestinian struggle for a homeland. Despite the peace agreements with Egypt and Jordan, this strategy has nevertheless resulted in an almost across-the-board refusal of the Arab body of citizenry to normalize Israel into the region. The Ashkenazi leadership has repeatedly evoked the image that Israel is a European villa, planted in the midst of the regional jungle, from Bible times to the present day.

Mizrahci communities are intricately positioned along the Israel/Palestine divide as a result of the hegemonic sophistication of the Ashkenazim. Historically, under Menachem Begin, it was the Right who offered the Mizrachim a political home of sorts by not forcing them to secularize in imitation of the Labor party regime. Mizrachim are situated between the rock of economic-cultural oppression caused by the US-European capitalist Israeli rule, and the hard place of Palestine’s war of independence. Zionism was superimposed on Mizrachi communities, yet they welcomed it with open arms. Many still believe in its deceitful vision of an integrationalist inter-racial utopia, even though they are systematically excluded from the centers of power due to Zionism’s intra-Jewish racism. Those few who succeeded in securing high-ranking positions in the Ashkenazi regime have long since erased their own past, as they adopted their masters’ worldview. Rebuilding the ruptured Mizrachi families was difficult, because they were denied access to the financial and cultural resources necessary to facilitate an equal participation in the Zionist patriarchy. Mizrachi men’s feminism is epitomized in their struggle to mimic handsomely crested Sabra masculinity, hoping it might provide them with equal opportunities. Even with the arrival of South Asian maids in the 1990s, Mizrachi women continue to occupy the lowest-paying scale of the Israeli job market. Having lost their production line and house cleaning jobs to Filipinas, they work as lower level secretaries and service providers, and they constitute the majority of the unemployed.

Most of the Palestinian suicide attacks have occurred in the public spaces of the economically deprived and legally disenfranchised Mizrachi communities: bus rides taken by people who can’t afford to have a private car, markets frequented by those who can’t afford to shop in air conditioned malls and supermarkets, and ‘hoods too poor to afford to purchase the patrol services of private security companies, and where the police avoid entering except during drug raids. The majority of the dead and wounded have been Mizrachim, destitute immigrants from the former Soviet Union, and foreign guest workers.

The majority IDF casualties of the al-Aqsa intifada since October 2000 have been Mizrachim, Druze, Russian immigrants, and Ethiopians – the marginal groups that comprise the majority of Israel’s social fabric. Since the 1982 Lebanon war, frontline military service is out of fashion among the Ashkenazi elite, who no longer find it necessary for upward mobility. Due to the historical conjunction of ethnicity and poverty typical of Mizrachi communities, young Mizrachi men are excluded from avenues of upward mobility that would require a major capital investment. Alas, combat zone service is one of the few routes for socio-economic mobility — an integrationist phantom of sorts.

Sderot, a borderzone Mizrachi town often bombarded by Qassam missiles, has a high percentage of Ethiopian and Russian immigrants, and high unemployment rates. It is the Israeli town closest to Gaza. The same demography is true of the development towns and agricultural co-ops on the Lebanese border, and even of some of the Haifa ‘hoods hit by the Hizbollah Katiushas.

Mizrachi communities were pushed into the West Bank and Gaza post-1967 settlements through the back door. Both the Right and Left wing Israeli governments prevented any reasonably priced housing solutions for residents of Mizrachi slums. The mass Soviet immigration of the 1990s transformed Israel’s center, the source of most decently paying jobs, into a real estate bubble. This prohibited Mizrachi families from leaving the ghettos, unless for subsidized houses in the settlements. These were built by the housing ministry on the pristine West Bank hills and virgin Gaza beaches. They made the Israeli dream of a single-family dwelling come true. The superior public school system was an additional benefit. The Judaization of the Galilee project was designed for Ashkenazim who could not afford single-family dwellings in central Israel – gated communities with strict admission committees, whose majestic mansions overlook Palestinian villages situated within the 1949 Rhodes armistice agreement.

In the mid 1980s, when the welfare state disappeared from Mizrachi communities’ lives (if it had ever been there), ultra-orthodox Sephardic Judaism entered the scene in the form of the SHAS party. At its height, during the 1999 elections, SHAS won 17 seats in the Knesset. Four of them were ministers of influential government offices, and four were deputy ministers. SHAS offered an apparatus of education and food to rehab Mizrachi honor, either by preaching the return to the forefathers’ pious morality or by exposing the racism in the disenfranchisement and poverty. Eventually, such an intrusion was destructive. In fact, the ultra-orthodox Mizrachi new sages adopted the old Ashkenazi method of discipline: a controlled dispensation of charity so that the very act of dispensing becomes a shock absorber against any possible social upheaval. Since SHAS’s entry into the public sphere, even the feeble resistance of Mizrachi ghettos has ceased to exist.

The centrist walls of the Arab nation-state cracked during the Infitah with Anwar Saadat’s Opening-to-the-West policy. Multinational cultural and market globalization forces entered the Arab World’s civic sphere. Forming alternative societal institutions, the Islamist movements started substituting for the state. Like SHAS, these institutions were constructed on the premise of injecting pious morality into the civic sphere. The communalist power of both SHAS and the Islamist movements rested in part on a reformulation of strict religious familial patriarchy as a liberating feminist praxis. Concurrently, the Islamist movements, as in the cases of Egypt and the Occupied Territories, have integrated women into all spheres of their public activism but fighting.

We do not wish here to judge Arab society. Yet to the best of our understanding, the impact of Islamist movements in the Arab public sphere has been diametrically opposite to that of SHAS in the Mizrachi ghettos. With a middle class professional core, the Islamists presented the Arab world with a new agenda. All the while, the Mizrachi ultra-orthodoxy imposed the forefathers’ morality as yet another strategy for integrating the Mizrachim into the bosom of the Zionist lived reality. But how could they not? SHAS sensed it had no other option. Its middle class emerged from the rank and file of party apparatchiks. The Question of Palestine was one of the unifying themes of the Islamist movements. During the 1980s, Sabra and Shatila reverberated into the First Intifada. Palestinian nationalism gathered constituencies in the West. Hoping to counter Palestine’s secular nationalism, the worried Israeli regime nurtured the Islamist movements in Lebanon and the Occupied Territories. Assuming that these movements would be nothing but SHAS-style charities, the Israeli regime hoped they might also serve as its tools to deny yet again the Question of Palestine. As the PLO welfare apparatus relocated from Lebanon to Tunis, the Islamist movements patched the cracks and flowered forth. The 2006 democratic elections in the Palestinian authority ended in a sweeping Hammas victory, which of course disappointed Israel’s expectations. This time around, the Zionist regime preferred the necktied and conventionally handsome Mahmoud Abu Ma’azan over hennaed and long-bearded Muhammad abu-Tir. Henceforth Israel, backed by the US, sweepingly refused to recognize and negotiate with the legitimate government of the Palestinian people.

These days the Mizrachim are the ones who pay the high price required to join Israel’s “family of blood,” a key concept in the Zionist discourse of national honor. They fall like ripe fruit into Ashkenazi-Zionist militant adventurism. The Western pro-Israeli lobby, with its Israeli branches, does not pay the price. On the contrary, it shares the profits with the G-8 superpowers. This axis of evil will come to an end only if Mizrachi communities are able to conjoin the memories of their Arab past with a vision for a future that will be shared with the people of this region—not just the Palestinians, but the rest of the Arab World as well.

As long as the Arab World’s public discourse does not differentiate between Yahud (Jews), Sahyoniyin (Zionists), and Yahud-Arab (Arab Jews), and as long as all Israelis are considered Yahud-wa-bas ( just Jews ), such a process is impossible. As long as the Western peace discourse does not designate separate categories for Mizrachi Jewry, the majority of Israel’s Jewry, for the Ashkenazi peace movements, and for Zionism, Mizrachi communities’ processual reworking into the region will lack the transnational aura necessary to render it possible. As long as the Arab leadership, not to mention the Palestinians, prefers talking peace with the ruling Ashkenazi minority — be it Zionists, post-Zionists, even anti-Zionists – Mizrachi communities will continue to view the peace discourse as part of the repertoire of exotic antics that the Ashkenazi cosmopolitan elite perform for the West. At the same time, they will continue to conceive of the Arabs, particularly Palestinians, only as lethal enemies.

Those who present themselves as seekers of peace — Shimon Peres and Yossi Beilin — are actually supporting the present destruction of civil society in Lebanon, the West Bank and Gaza. They are the spokesmen explaining the necessity for the atrocious measures taken by the Israeli government. Mizrachim remember them mainly as those who started the move to privatize and outsource labor from their community into the globalized economic wonderland that the peace dons termed “the New Middle East.” For Mizrachi communities, unemployment and debt were the most immediate results of the Oslo agreement’s peace festival. These days the peace dons also brandish a Moroccan defense minister, Amir Peretz, to execute their policies, even though they are the ones who publicly dissed him and failed him along his political career. No wonder this discourse of peace is so alien to Mizrachi communities.

The experts on TV tell us that the purpose of the present destruction is to secure the release of the “kidnapped” soldiers. If this were indeed the purpose of operations “Summer Rains” and “Adequate Pay,” the release of all Palestinian and Lebanese political prisoners from Israeli jails would be far more cost effective, whether in blood or money. But, alas, when the canons stop roaring, when we finish counting our dead and cleaning up our ruins, we are likely to return to point zero–1882. The Mizrachim, Palestinians and foreign guest workers will resurrect Lebanon, Palestine and Israel from under the rubble, at near-slavery wages and with no social benefits. The US will provide the funding. As long as Mizrachi communities fail to understand that these wars commemorate their disenfranchised poverty, as long as there is no insistence on organized, popular Mizrachi resistance, no just peace will be achieved in our region.

  • Reuven Abarjel, Co-founder of the Israeli Black Panthers
  • Smadar Lavie, Professor of Anthropology and Mizrachi Feminist activist

Black in Women / Henriette Dahan Kalev

Sunday, August 28th, 2005

Vicki Knafo  and Sara Lahiani are two Israeli women, single mothers, living in development towns in the southern periphery of Israel, Knafo in Mitzpe Ramon and Lahiani in Kiriat Gat. Both women are of North African origin and both of them were hard working women who struggled on a daily basis raising their children and keeping their homes functioning. Until one day they, each one separately, found themselves in the eye storm of public debates

in Israel. In Israel, being an underclass woman (or man) of Mizrahi origin (Of Arab country origin) is a formula from which the stereotype of being right winger is produced. My aim in this talk is to defy this stereotype.

The story of Knafo, for those who may not know begins like that of about 35% of the Mizrahi women in Israel who are single mothers and who live below the poverty line. When Nethanyahu began his economic growth plan in 2003, Knafo who was working full time in the kitchen of a military camp in BAHAD 1 -near Mitzpe Ramon where she lives –-she

was informed that her salary and her complementary payments paid by the national security will be cut in half. In other words in August 2003 she was going to get 1250 NS instead of 2500 NS. The average income in Israel at the time was 7000 NS.

As a spontaneous reaction to what she saw as an economic disaster she decided to go to the Minister of Finance and tell him what she thought of his economic plan. Having no money for a bus ticket, she decided to hike  to Jerusalem no matter how long it would take her. This protest has  inspired many Israelis and other single mothers joined her. On the way during her hike Bedouins, Soldiers and Kibutzniks provided her with food water and road guidance. For a moment she has brought together many of the conflicting groups in Israel, only for a moment. When she finally arrived to Jerusalem she was given the national flag and in a triumphant gesture she covered herself with it and entered the city of Jerusalem after walking 200 km during five days.

The media loved it and the public had something to chew. “If she came all the way to struggle against the governmental policy and the states institutions what was the point of wearing the flag?” some of them asked. “Didn’t it have the mark of reinforcing the stereotype that Mizrahim are right wingers?” others said. This condemnation is not surprising as the stereotype is rooted very deeply in the Israeli political debate and maintain the simplified dichotomy of Mizrahim tend to vote for the right and Ashkenazim (Israelis of European origin) for the left.

Looking closer on who she was and what was the context of her struggle intricate the picture.  It was part of a more complex situation which demanded wit and sophisticated action which Knafo did have to a certain degree. For example she refused to join other groups of deprived people such as the Mizrahi women in Katamonim led by Ayelet Sabag (Marciano) who tried to push in the direction of using violence. Another example found in one article quoting her saying in the name of the single mothers: We will not send hungry children to the mandatory service in the army. We could

hear in her rhetoric how she criticized Nethanyahu for pouring money on the settlement instead of on the poor in the periphery.

I would like to suggest that listening more carefully to what she had to say and how she acted one could see that Knafo’s wearing the flag was something that had nothing to do with her being a rightist or a leftist. For a woman whose children future looked so dark, she did not care what her political image was. What leftists, women’s organizations or even the Mizrahim movements thought of that was of little significance at that moment.

In a simplified abstract terms her rhetoric and her waving the flag may appear to be contradictory or even point at her being politically  inconsistent, but in any case it cannot be viewed as superficial. It was part  of a more intuitively complex behavior of a woman whom we cannot dismiss by reducing her actions to one dimension of political tokens.

However, the left camp in Israel is known to be holding economic problematic position. On the one hand it is based on socialist tradition inspired by the founding fathers and on the other hand its practices are of neo-liberal nature. Hence, when Knafo started a protest that looked somewhat as a socialist revolt it played to the hands of the NGOs and

they very conveniently embraced her and appropriated her struggle.

Knafo, who admitted her distributing bank checks that were not backed

with money became their heroine as she fought one of the central

capitalist symbol. But precisely because of that she was condemned by

her peers in Miztpe as they interpreted the same move as shameless and

as hearting their reputation. This point is of significance as it shows the

ideological differences that divide upper middle class liberals who

happen to be leftist, in our story, and underclass of whom the majority are

of Arab origin. My contention is that both sides overlooked the moral

forces which motivated her.

Her protest should be viewed within the context of economic protest

aimed at the governmental policy and not an act aimed at de

legitimization of the whole state. In this respect what she did was not

different from what the leftist political camp does. This camp may

protests against Mr. Sharon’s policy and against the occupation but it does

not de-legitimize the state. There is where the line is drown. What both

Knafo and the leftist camp want to achieve is subordinated to the

command of humanistic and moral action which they believe is above the

state and therefore right to do. They both want the state to submit to this

morality.

*

This is Sara Lahiani. A woman, single mother who raised her children

with the faith that surprised many Israelis as this faith was again

inconsistent with the stereotype of Mizrahim support of the right wing.

For those who may not know her story, Lahiani is the mother of Tali

Fahima. In August 2004 Defense Minister Shaul Mofaz decided to place

her in administrative detention (arrest without trial)… Mofaz said: “She

was involved and took part in planning a terrorist attack in Israel.” Judge

Uri Goren, who authorized her arrest without being charged, said: “I have

reached the conclusion that Tali Fahima is determined to perpetrate a

terrorist attack against Israeli targets and to obtain combat material from

Palestinian terror activists.” (Quoted from “Throwing the book at Tali

Fahima,By Orit Shohat 31. 12.04 Haaretz.).

Tali is now appealing to the high court hoping that she will be released

soon.

My focus today is on the mother of Tali, Sara Lahiani, who is sitting with

us here today. In a conference of Mizrahi women in January 2005 Mrs

Lahiani gave a talk and avowed that she is responsible for educating Tali

to be sensitive the other’s pain. She has also said that her children heard at

home that Arabs were people with whom she had lived back in noth

Africa and they should not believe the racist prejudice that they hear

about Arab. This is her explanation to her daughter’s choice to chat at the

net with Arabs and to her motivation to go to Genin to see for herself the

Palestinian real life. Her children, Mrs. Lahiani summed up, were

educated to become humanists and not to deny their own Arab roots.

The GSS, she continues made her and her daughter pay the price not only

to punish her personally. The GSS (General Security Service) is acting as

a counter educator, thus warning anyone of what will happen had he or

she might get an idea of supporting the Palestinian struggle. Now, as she

recalled, she has ignored the GSS “educating” warnings to those who  won’t behave themselves politically and her daughter pays the price for  following her moral faith.

In Mrs. Lahiani’s opinion, this has a Mizrahi and an underclass aspect as

she has put it. “If it was the prime minister son, it wouldn’t happen to

him.” Indeed, Lahiani is right; we saw what has been done to the daughter

of the former chief of staff Moshe Yaalon. Yaalon’s daughter whom it

was circulated was a refusnik, did not really stand in the middle of the

GBB attention and just like other refusniks her step was appended to her

as virtue.

At this point allow me to take a stand and say that the following: The

young leftist or rightists who become refusniks come from Middle class

ranks, whether they are Mizrahim or Ashkenazim, when they take this

decision, unlike the underprivileged, they are well aware that they will be

supported by their friends and families. They have firm economic ground

that can provide them with social, political and economic backing. Hence,

they come forward to the public arena and make their disobedience a

virtue. At the same time, there is another type of disobedience,

socioeconomic disobedience that is indirectly related to the Israeli

Palestinian conflict, and that is the disobedience of the deserters. The

group is large and often they are not even drafted. The group consists of

exempted soldiers who are found to be incompetent for the service

because of their being involved in crime, drugs and social disorder. Many  of them are of Mizrahi origin whose background is generations of  unemployment, poverty and deprivation. The figures are confidential so

we cannot estimate how many they are. The CBS usually define children

as under the age of 18 and as this group is under and above this age it is

difficult to estimate their number.

There are many reasons why I suggest not to ignore them when

discussing disobedience and military refusniks, I will mention only the

crucial one and that is the consequences of their exemption. Like the

conscience refusniks, the deserters are those soldiers that did not

accommodate to the military service, hence impeded the militaristic

goals. This way or another they are abstaining from contributing to the

was and occupation effort of the state. Being privileged or

underprivileged, the rage and frustration against the army is what

nourishes their motivation not to be in the army. The rage of the deserters

against and that of the refusniks are directed against the state.

This argument might seem feeble and misplaced, but this is only because

problems of social justice and civil disobedience questions are treated

separately within the neo-liberal discourse.

Being a Mizrahi woman of lower class who educated her children

according to humanistic values and Arab legacy what Lahiani has done  was precisely to associate what neo-liberalism wants to keep separate:  Social rights, human rights and political rights. In this respect I see

Lahiani as a true heroine amongst women whose lives are completely

taken by struggling to survive. This, however, did not take away her faith

in human values.

In conclusion: Lahiani and Knafo are not women in black; these are

women whose lives are painted in black. They both took action from their

position as mothers who want to protest their children, a position that

might not be coherent with feminist categories and leftist conviction.

They were not interested in feminist theories or liberal ideologies nor

were they interested in how their action looks in the eyes of the GSS or in

the eyes of the politicians and peers. They remained faithful to their life

values and dignity, and to their children’s education and future. Therefore

feminist theories and the leftist women politics should in my

understanding accommodate themselves to these women and study what

impact they have as active subjects on the conflict rather then looking for

their behaving according to pc codes. In other words, the analysis of the

social situation and the political action, the search for conflict resolution

cannot avoid crossing these women’s road and include them in the

journey to peace.


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